
By Rebecca Johnson
In late February, as his invasion of Ukraine became bogged down, Vladimir Putin announced that Russia’s nuclear forces had been put on ‘special alert’. This posturing is familiar in wargame scenarios. It frequently ends with nuclear weapons being launched.
So, how did we get back to believing that nuclear war is possible? Why didn’t ‘nuclear deterrence’ stop this from happening? And what comes next?
The first thing to understand is that deterrence is a routine part of most defence strategies. Deterrence is a relationship, not some magical property attached to nuclear bombs. Communications are key to the success or failure of any deterrence strategy; no matter what threats or weapons are being brandished, deterrence fails when one or more protagonists miscalculate or misunderstand either the situation, the signals or the intentions of other parties. Relying on nuclear weapons, however, is a gamble that risks destroying the whole world.
Nuclear weapons and threats were embedded in the military policies of Russia and NATO in the 1950s. From ‘mutual assured destruction’ theories to escalatory war-fighting deployments in the 1980s, nuclear-related dangers and fears have driven proliferation and caused insecurity around the world. Back in 1995, when the majority of nations in the Non-Proliferation Treaty made clear that achieving nuclear disarmament was central to preventing further proliferation, Daniel Ellsberg, the former US military analyst responsible for exposing the Pentagon Papers, criticised the nuclear-armed leaders for using atomic weapons like robbers use guns when they enter a bank to steal and hold people hostage. This is the nuclear weapon ‘use’ that underpins nuclear deterrence theories.

Some 27 years later, claiming defence and deterrence justifications, Putin invaded Ukraine with big guns and missiles. As the invasion began, on 24 February, some 900 of Russia’s 5,900 nuclear weapons – and a similar number of US, British and French nuclear forces assigned to NATO – were on ‘prompt-launch’ (high-alert) status.
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By Paul Gunter and Linda Pentz Gunter
On March 2, a striking news clip found its way onto the internet. It showed nuclear power plant workers and ordinary citizens blockading the access road to the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant in Ukraine.
They stood solemnly in the street, waving Ukrainian flags against a backdrop of assorted parked tankers and trucks surrounded by buffers and sandbags — all while the Russian military advanced on the site.
Just over 24 hours later, an auxiliary building at Zaporizhzhia was engulfed in flames, as Russian troops reportedly fired on — and eventually took control of — the plant.
Warnings flashed across Twitter, including from beleaguered Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, that a nuclear disaster at Zaporizhzhia could be the end of Europe. The country’s foreign minister warned of a nuclear catastrophe 10 times worse than the 1986 accident at Chernobyl, which sent a plume of radioactive fallout across the former Soviet Union and Europe that is still adversely affecting human health today. (Earlier in the invasion, the Russians actually took over the closed — but still radioactive — Chernobyl nuclear site during what was described as a “firefight.”)

It took courage for ordinary people to stand in defense of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant and in defiance of Russian military might. But the prospect of something as dangerous as a nuclear power plant falling into hostile — and potentially inexperienced — hands was an unacceptable risk.
It’s a risk Ukrainians already know all too well. Even in the hands of experts, human error still set in motion the 1986 Chernobyl disaster. And yet, Ukraine has persisted with nuclear power and now gets half of its electricity supply from 15 commercial nuclear reactors, situated at four sites. Of those locations, Zaporizhzhia is the largest plant — both in Ukraine and Europe — with six reactors. Even if only one reactor were breached, it would release far more radioactivity than Chernobyl in 1986. This is why Ukrainians were so intent on defending it.
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Introduction: There are many views about what the next steps should be to address the ever greater humanitarian tragedy in Ukraine, but virtual unanimity in favor of an immediate end to the war. Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelensky, has made frequent pleas for a “no-fly zone.” But what would this mean?
On March 17, US Represenative Ilhan Omar said, “As we support Ukraine in their fight against Russia’s brutal invasion, we must avoid the knee-jerk calls that risk nuclear war. A no-fly zone is not simply declared, it must be militarily enforced. It would mean the beginning of World War III. We must reject this completely.” As Code Pink lays out below, a no-fly zone would likely escalate the war exponentially, with the US and NATO involved directly in aerial combat with Russia. That could rain down damage on nuclear power plants indiscriminately. None of the four nuclear power plants sites in Ukraine was built to withstand protracted bombardment.
While the Code Pink article does not address the specific risks to nuclear power plants should a “no-fly zone” be declared (unlikely at this time), it lays out both a preview of such an escalation and a plea for peace, alongside a perhaps uncomfortable short history lesson about the contribution of the US and NATO to the current crisis. While the solutions offered by Code Pink are their own, neither Code Pink nor Beyond Nuclear exonerates in any way the atrocities currently being committed against civilians in a country under invasion. But the precarious situation, poised for a potential escalation — rather than cessation — of war, points up once again the extreme liabilities of nuclear power plants, whose dangers are unequalled by any other power source.
By Medea Benjamin and Code Pink
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky just addressed both chambers of Congress. He asked for a no-fly zone — a situation in which U.S. fighter jets would shoot down Russian planes — and for MiG-29 fighter jets to be transferred from Poland to Ukraine (the U.S. has so far declined to be a part of such a transfer as it would be received by Russia as U.S. combat entry into the war).

Following Zelensky’s address, President Biden approved $800 million in new aid for Ukraine, bringing the total U.S. assistance to Ukraine to $1 billion in just this past week, and will include Javelin anti-tank and Stinger anti-aircraft missiles.
Standing ovations, such as the one Zelensky just got from Congress, are great, but what Ukraine really needs is vigorous negotiations to reach a ceasefire deal. To this end, we are calling on the U.S. to enter the negotiations by outlining the agreements and compromises the U.S. should support. Add your name.
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Par Linda Pentz Gunter, traduit par Kurumi Sugita
En plein cœur de l’obscure bataille menée pour savoir s’il faut inclure l’énergie nucléaire dans la taxonomie « verte » de l’Union Européenne, cinq anciens premiers ministres japonais ont fait une déclaration sans précédent. Ils ont fermement condamné toute inclusion de l’énergie nucléaire en tant qu’énergie verte ou durable, même en tant que combustible dit de transition.
Le gouvernement japonais actuel a passé sous silence les arguments climatiques avancés par les anciens premiers ministres, s’emparant rapidement d’une petite phrase concernant les conditions de vie au Japon suite à l’accident de Fukushima : « de nombreux enfants souffrent d’un cancer de la thyroïde ».
Le parti libéral démocrate au pouvoir est même allé jusqu’à approuver une résolution condamnant les cinq anciens premiers ministres, dont l’un, Junichiro Koizumi, est issu de ce parti. La résolution allègue que leur déclaration n’était pas « scientifique » et qu’ils ravivaient les préjugés et encourageaient les gens à considérer les habitants de Fukushima comme des parias.
Le Conseil de recherche politique du parti a déclaré qu’il soumettrait sa résolution à l’actuel premier ministre, Fumio Kishida.
Le même jour – le 27 janvier 2022 – où la lettre ouverte des anciens premiersministres a été soumise à l’UE, six jeunes personnes, qui étaient enfants au moment de la catastrophe nucléaire de Fukushima Daiichi en mars 2011, ont intenté un procès devant le tribunal du district de Tokyo contre TEPCO, propriétaire et exploitant de la centrale nucléaire.
Les six personnes, âgées de 17 à 27 ans, tiennent la firme pour responsable des cancers de la thyroïde que chacune d’entre elles a développés après avoir été exposée aux radiations libérées par la catastrophe nucléaire.
En intentant un procès et en rendant ainsi la question publique, les six personnes ont immédiatement fait l’objet d’un niveau d’abus sans précédent pour s’être exprimées. Dans une vidéo contenant leurs témoignages, elles ont été obligées de dissimuler leur apparence physique, par crainte des représailles.
Le « coming out », les révélations volontaires sur le cancer de la thyroïde ou sur tout autre impact négatif sur la santé résultant de la catastrophe nucléaire de Fukushima, restent des sujets largement tabous au Japon. Les études qui concluent que les impacts médicaux sont importants, voire substantiels, sont accueillies avec autant d’hostilité, de dureté que de mutisme.
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We have already seen how quickly overwhelmed emergency rooms, hospital wards and intensive care units quickly became when faced with the pandemic brought on by the Covid-19 virus. Now, the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize-winning International Campaign for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) brings us its latest report — No place to hide: nuclear weapons and the collapse of health care systems — which looks at how the healthcare systems in 10 major cities would cope in the event of a nuclear war.
The study models the detonation of one 100-kiloton airburst nuclear explosion over major cities in each of the nine nuclear-armed states and Germany, which hosts U.S. nuclear weapons on its territory. It then examines how many hospital beds, doctors, nurses and where information is available, ICU beds and burn care centers would be left to treat hundreds of thousands to over one million injured people. What follows is the Executive Summary. Download the full report.
Nuclear-armed states may prepare to use nuclear weapons but they can never adequately prepare for the humanitarian consequences of their use. Examining the existing health infrastructure available to respond to the explosion of a moderately-sized nuclear weapon over nine cities in nuclear-armed states and one non-nuclear armed state’s capital makes this point tragically clear.
A nuclear war would realistically involve many nuclear weapons targeting many cities in a country, creating an enormous humanitarian catastrophe impossible for any health care system to deal with — one that could potentially lead to the end of civilization as we know it. But if even just one average-sized nuclear weapon were to be detonated over a major city today, the immediate health impact would be disastrous beyond the ability of any nation to effectively respond.
This report uses publicly available information about hospitals, doctors, nurses and the NUKEMAP simulator to evaluate the immediate health response capacity to treat victims of a 100 kiloton airburst nuclear weapon detonation. This NUKEMAP model does not include the impact of mass fire or fallout after a nuclear detonation.
While the consequences of this model varied from city to city based on population density and geographic size, the data is clear: even without calculating for the mass fires or fallout caused by a nuclear blast, none of these cities would have anywhere near the sufficient healthcare capacity to respond to a nuclear explosion over their city. There would not be enough doctors, nurses, hospital beds or intensive care unit (ICU) beds – even assuming that all available medical professionals are adequately trained in emergency medicine and that every bed listed in each of these cities that is not destroyed during the nuclear attack is unoccupied.

Under this scenario in New Delhi, for example, roughly 50,000 beds would have to accommodate more than two and a half million injured people. Several cities lack needed burn beds: Paris has nine; London two.
After the bomb’s destruction of medical personnel and infrastructure, cities would be overwhelmed. In Washington D.C., over 500,000 people would be killed or injured by the blast. In Berlin, one-third of hospitals would be destroyed.
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By Candyce Paul
Sam Kerson first approached us nearly a decade ago offering to share some linocut prints with us. At that time we, the Committee for Future Generations, were embattled by the Nuclear Waste Management Organization. We are the Poplar/Aspen Tree Home Dene (English River First Nation). The Nuclear waste management Organization was soliciting us to allow them to build a nuclear waste dump on our traditional territory.
Our Committee for Future Generations was in a campaign to raise awareness across Saskatchewan, Canada, and the world about the serious risks we were facing. We had walked and talked, and used social media, camped and gathered, and brought in experts. Our idea was to show the people that we were struggling against the industrial military complex. Our very DNA was on the line. We stood to protect the next 7000 Generations of all living things.

It is usually our duty to care for the Earth and to support 7 generations ahead of us. However in the case of the radioactivity generated by the nuclear industry, we must protect 7000 generations. The radioactive elements being created today will be hazardous to humans and other species for 7000 generations of life on this planet. We went toe to toe with the sales brokers the industry sent to pitch this glorified waste dump. We exposed their gaps and their outright lies and propaganda at every opportunity. In 2014 they admitted defeat and left Saskatchewan to try to find a willing “host” community in Ontario.
But we continue defending our people. Our territory has some of the highest grade uranium deposits in the world. More than 2700 mineral claims are on file, primarily intending to mine uranium, There are currently 5 uranium mines and 2 mills in our territory and 2 other companies are in the preliminary stages of applying for a licence to mine. Until this industry is shut down neither us, nor people in the places where the yellow cake is distributed will be safe.
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